By David A. Welker

The 21st New York Infantry Regiment was born in Buffalo, New York’s old Court House on the evening of April 13, 1861. War fever was high that night—the day before Confederate forces had fired on Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor—and some 102 men volunteered their services to New York State for three months. Formed into companies, the new volunteers joined members of the prewar 74th New York State Militia (NYSM) which had already offered four companies for service. Together, they became the 21st New York Infantry Regiment—popularly known as the “First Buffalo Regiment”—the first of several units Western New York would offer the Union cause. [1]

These companies and their officers were:
Company A, Capt. W. H. Drew *
Company B, Capt. Henry M. Gaylord +
Company C, Capt. William. F. Rogers +
Company D, Capt. Wm. C. Alberger +
Company E, by Capt. James C. Strong +
Company F, Capt. Geo. De W. Clinton +
Company G, Capt. Edward L. Lee +
Company H, Capt. Elisha L. Hayward *
Company I, Capt. Horace G. Thomas *
Company K, Capt. John M. Luyton *
* Originally of the 74th NYSM
+ New company

So great was their fervor that Company F’s Captain George DeWitt Clinton—a descendant of the former New York governor and US senator, instrumental in creating the Erie Canal—persuaded his entire company to enlist instead “for the term of their natural lives, or for the war,” although the pledge wasn’t binding and their legal commitment remained only three months. Nonetheless, soon enough word came down that no more volunteers were needed – Buffalo’s first regiment was full-up. [2]

Wearing new grey uniforms, originally ordered for the 74th NYSM, the men gathered in

Col. William F. Rogers

Niagara Square before marching to the Exchange Street railroad depot. With much fanfare, they departed Buffalo on May 11 for their Elmira, New York training camp. Mustered into New York service, on May 13, 1861, the regiment also elected its senior officers, choosing William F. Rogers as their colonel and Adrian R. Root as second-in-command. On May 20, the regiment mustered into Federal service.  [3]

The 21st New York’s first casualty was Private Frank Aigne, who drowned on June 1 while bathing in a nearby pond. His body was borne though camp, to the shock of his friends and comrades, who attended his solemn Christian burial service the next day. This event reportedly “stirred all those who witnessed it;” if only they had then an idea of what awaited the regiment on the Virginia and Maryland battlefields…  [4]

On June 4 the men were issued their first arms, a mix of Springfield Model 1840 and 1842 muskets. These old .69 caliber guns had smoothbore barrels and the 1840 models had originally featured flintlocks, now modified to cap locks. Some who’d seen other regiments armed with the latest 1861 Springfield rifle-muskets were disappointed in these dated guns; in a few months, however, many would come to appreciate the killing power of the “buck and ball” rounds these weapons fired, when engaged at close quarters.  [5]

Now trained, the regiment left Elmira on June 18, headed for Washington, traveling through Harrisburg and Baltimore. Arriving the next day, the regiment found itself quartered in northwest Washington, DC, eventually settling in several large buildings in the Kalorama neighborhood.

On July 14, Buffalo’s regiment crossed the Potomac River into Union-held Virginia, reaching its new post at Fort Runyon in Arlington (at the northern end of today’s Reagan National Airport). Here eight of the 21st’s ten companies–Company E moved to Fort Jackson on the Virginia end of the Long Bridge, while Company K guarded the Alexandria road—manned the fort, guarding its works and learning to crew its heavy artillery pieces. This duty spared the 21st from participating in the war’s first major battle at Manassas on July 21, barely a dozen miles to their west. Following the Union rout at Manassas, the 21st’s fort became a rallying point for the shattered, broken troops. Private Mills recalled “covered with blood, grimed with powder, and dust, and smoke, whether silent in the apathy of despair, or feebly moaning out their pain, these mangled forms spoke loudly to our hearts.” Such sights were the Buffalonians’ first exposure to the reality of war and may have caused an incident that stained the 21st reputation even before it had seen battle. [6]

Two months earlier, New York had turned away more volunteers but in the wake of the Bull Run disaster very much the opposite situation emerged. On August 4, Colonel Rogers convened a dress parade to read Special Orders 324, ordering each man to commit to two years in United States’ service. Three months service had become two years without their free-will consideration, and the army unwisely gave men 16 days to sign – time they often spent discussing the injustice of this move. Perhaps Clinton’s Company F men who had pledged themselves “for the term of their natural lives, or for the war” felt vindicated but other 21st men most certainly did not. When mustering began on the 20th, Colonel Rogers found that 41 men refused to submit; stacking arms, they were marched to the guard house and placed under arrest. Though hardly alone in suffering such shame, the 21st now to earn back its full honor. [7]

Bearing this weight, on August 31 the 21st was assigned to Brigadier General James S. Wadsworth’s Second Brigade, in General Irvin McDowell’s Third Division of the Army of the Potomac. The brigade included the 23rd and 35th New York and the three regiments would remain together for much of their war service. In its new brigade the 21st moved west, deeper into Virginia. First to a spot they named “Camp Buffalo” and on September 28 to Upton’s Hill, a mile or so south of Falls Church immediately west of the Leesburg Pike (modern Virginia Rt. 7). By October 4 the men had built a log-and-earthwork fortification they christened “Fort Rogers,” but which the colonel quickly renamed “Fort Buffalo.” Today, Fort Buffalo is gone but lives on as the name of an apartment complex and in a historical marker at the nearby “Seven Corners” intersection. [8]

The 21st remained in Fort Buffalo throughout the spring of 1862. On March 10 it conducted a reconnaissance-in-force toward the Confederate defenses at Centreville. Hoping for a fight of some sort—the men had yet to experience combat—they found the fortifications abandoned; the Rebel army had fallen back to defend its capital at Richmond from the Union drive up the Peninsula. After sightseeing though the Rebel winter quarters at Centerville—which included log “Quaker guns” and “comfortable winter quarters” of “cozy looking bunks”—the men returned to camp.  [9]

General Marsenna R. Patrick replaced Wadsworth as brigade commander and by April the 21st and Patrick’s brigade marched to Alexandria. Here they suffered for three weeks, naming their new home “Camp Misery,” both because while here it rained nonstop and they’d been left behind by the rest of the army, which had departed for General McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign. The 21st’s situation improved on April 4, departing Camp Misery for Falmouth, Virginia, but it was clear there would be no fighting for the 21st.  [10]

The Buffalonians would soon regret ever feeling disappointment over missing a battle. On August 29, the 21st and the rest of King’s division—to which Patrick’s brigade was now attached, part of General John Pope’s Union Army of Virginia—marched toward Centreville once again, in response to reports that Jackson’s half of Lee’s Confederate army was there. Before reaching Centreville, though, Jackson made his presence known on the ground of the Brawner family’s farm, opening would become known as the Second Battle of Manassas.  [11]

Posted in the Union center on the battle’s first day, at dusk the Buffalo regiment and Patrick’s brigade was sent forward to support a probe of what was hoped would be the vacant right of the Confederate line. Instead, they found Hood’s division and General Longstreet’s recently-arrived troops. This twilight clash was the 21st’s first taste of full-on combat and Private Mills recalled that “a terrible melee ensued in the ditch in which it was almost impossible distinguish friend from foe.” Still, casualties from this fight were light compared to those caused by the next day’s action. Midafternoon on the 30th, the 21st and Patrick’s brigade were thrown headlong against the Confederate line as part of General Porter’s attack. This time the 21st’s butcher’s bill was much greater – 160 killed and wounded. The Buffalonians had earned back their honor, in spades.  [12]

Moving to Centreville that night, and then on to Fairfax Court House, the 21st mourned its losses and licked its wounds until September 6, when orders sent them north into Maryland. Patrick’s brigade now reported to Major General Joseph Hooker—commanding the I Corps of Army of the Potomac— and marched to Frederick, Maryland pursuing Lee’s army. Joining the contest for South Mountain on September 14—fighting at Turner’s Gap—the 21st then pressed west in search of the Confederates, arriving at Antietam early on September 16.  [13]

The 21st New York and Patrick’s brigade crossed Antietam Creek late that afternoon and by nightfall had reached the farm of Joseph Poffenberger. Soon the 21st New York and their brigade was pushed forward through a thin strip of woods (soon known as “the North Woods”) until reaching the road known locally as the Hagerstown Pike. Advancing in the waning daylight, the 21st men could hear firing beyond the D. R. Miller farm in their front. Halting at the road, the brigade was to protect the assembly area of Hooker’s Union I Corps on the J. Poffenberger farm. The Buffalonians settled down for a fitful night of sleep in their advanced position on the Hagerstown Pike, knowing only that this fight was far, far from over.  [14]

Hooker’s attack plan called for brigades from Doubleday’s and Rickett’s divisions to attack across the Miller farm fields, aiming for the small white church belonging to the Dunker sect. Once there, Hooker’s men were to break Lee’s Confederate left and capture a spot on the ridge, supported by reserves of Meade’s division. This would fulfill the first phase of General George McClellan’s battle plan.

Doubleday’s four brigades were moving as the first light of day started poking through the haze. Hoffman’s Brigade had drawn the most desirable task, posted in the Union rear to guard the artillery and the Union’s staging area on the Poffenberger farm. Spearheading Doubleday’s attack would be Gibbon’s Iron Brigade, supported by Phelps’ Brigade. Patrick’s Brigade and the 21st New York would wait in the rear, acting as reinforcements for the two attacking brigades.  [15]

Gibbon’s Iron Brigade moved south astride the Hagerstown Pike and almost immediately encountered Confederate troops blocking its path. Posted atop a rise, these were the men of Lawton’s division (east of the pike, guarding the southern end of the Cornfield) and Jones’ and Winder’s brigades on the western side of the pike. In response, Hooker ordered forward Phelps’ Brigade—the 22nd, 24th, 30th, and 84th (14th Brooklyn) New York regiments, along with the 2nd US Sharpshooters—and Reynold’s 1st New York Light Artillery, Battery L, down the Hagerstown Pike to Gibbon’s aid. At the same time Hooker sent Patrick’s Brigade forward. Doubleday’s force began slowly pushing back the Confederates holding the Miller farm.  [16]

Colonel William F. Rogers described the 21st’s advance as it moved from behind the North Woods, into the open, then back into a small extension of the northern end of the West Woods. “Marching through orchards and over fences, we reached a point in the woods through which we were to advance. We passed General Hooker, who was here directing the movement of troops.” “The battle had fairly opened. The artillery and musketry fire was rapid and continuous.” After one of Hooker’s aides pointed out where Hooker wanted the 21st to go they resumed moving to the left, now heading toward the Cornfield.  [17]

Once clear of that northern piece of the West Woods, the 21st came upon the Rebels and dashed for the fence bordering the Hagerstown Pike. “Forward we went through the woods, out into the open field, and we were face to face with the enemy on a fair field. With bayonets fixed, rapidly we charged forward. Two fences lined the turnpike road in our front, on the other side of which the enemy was posted.”
The Buffalonians swept forward toward the western-most post-and-rail fence of the Hagerstown Pike, along with the rest of Patrick’s brigade and—joining the far right of Patrick’s line—Gibbon’s 19th Indiana. “We reached the first fence, forced them back, and scaling that and the one on the other side, continued to pour deadly fire into their ranks.”  [18]

Facing the 21st and Patrick’s men was Ripley’s Confederate brigade of Georgians and North Carolinians. They had just retaken the deadly Cornfield by pushing back Meade’s division, but the appearance of the 21st and Patrick’s force on their left flank stopped this attack in its tracks. Although the 21st and its brigade had quashed Ripley’s advance, the Rebels now stood their ground on the Cornfield’s edge.  [19]

Rogers and his men now found themselves in a dangerous position. Only they and the 19th Indiana boys had crossed the two fences, putting them nearly alone on the eastern side of the fences and well out in front and very much cut off from the rest of their brigade. In short, they were sitting ducks to be shot down in the swirling confusion of Antietam’s Cornfield.  [20]

Fortunately for the 21st boys, General Patrick wasn’t about to let this happen. “General Patrick at this time rode up and ordered us to fall back to the road,” explained Colonel Rogers, “as our line was in advance of our left and we were running to the line of fire of our own artillery.” But the 21st New York men didn’t run and Colonel Rogers noted that the retreat “was done in good order, and the men continued to load and fire with a coolness that was admirable.”  [21]

As the 21st fell grudgingly back, Ripley’s Georgians pressed toward the Hagerstown Pike, driving the New Yorkers back. “In leaping the fences all could not get over at once,” recalled Company K’s Lieutenant Henry Halsey, “and in falling back a few, finding it difficult to get over in time to avoid the clutch of the enemy, quietly dropping to the ground amidst the dead and wounded and remained motionless a la possum, until the enemy was driven back again, when they jumped to their feet and joined their comrades in the hot chase.”  [22]

The eastern-most fence was as far as Ripley’s men would make it, though, because the reformed 21st New York—now beyond the western second fence—immediately opened fire, halting their drive and throwing the Rebels back. This cleared the way for those 21st men—including Lieutenant Patrick Hickey—who’d been trapped on the eastern side of the fence to return. The lieutenant had been wounded and unable to scamper over the fence, leaving him to be taken prisoner and moved behind the Confederate line. When Ripley’s line was suddenly driven back, Hickey used the confusion to flee and rejoin his own 21st regiment – minus his pistol, which a Rebel had taken from him earlier.  [23]

Amidst this firing, though, one man in the 21st had something else on his mind. “[J]ust after we had fallen back, a stray shot struck a large fat pig,” recalled Lieutenant Halsey, “which had been grunting about in the rear of our line, apparently indifferent as to the result of the fight. One of our boys taking in the situation at a glance, having, in all this excitement, presence of mind sufficient to feel the presence of an appetite, resolved that ‘his porkship’ should die a NATURAL death; dropping his musket he rushes to the spot with drawn sheath knife and with the practiced hand of a professional butcher brings the lingering sickness of Mr. Pig to an abrupt termination. Rolling him into a ditch ‘to await further developments,’ he runs back and resumes his place in line.” That such a scene could happen amidst the intense fighting along the Hagerstown Pike is a testament both the now-veteran status of the men of the 21st New York and to the importance of food to a hungry soldier.  [24]

With dinner secure, Patrick’s regiments swept into line on the 19th Indiana’s left, forming a new, solid line that reinforced Union control of the Hagerstown Pike. Here, holding the western end of the road on the northern end of the West Woods, the 21st remained for nearly 20 minutes until a new and unexpected threat appeared.
Suddenly, Confederate troops—it remains unclear exactly which—appeared in the northern end of the West Woods, a position that put them both on the rear right flank of Rogers’ position. In the emergency of this moment Colonel Rogers did something that wasn’t out of a military text book but which reflected his leadership and the best innovation of a citizen-soldier. “The colonel immediately gave us the order to ‘disperse’ and rally on the colors in the woods from which we advanced.” In short, rather than issuing a time-consuming set of complicated orders, Rogers sent the 21st’s flags to the regiment’s new position and had the men break ranks and run on their own to reform on the colors. In moments, the 21st was ready to meet this new threat.  [25]

“Rallying in the woods we took position behind a fence facing in a direction in which we expected the foe, but they did not advance,” explained the colonel. “The musketry ceased but the artillery fire continued as violet as ever. In our present position we were under the fire of both parties, their shells passing over our heads.” Without an immediate threat of fighting or moving, the men of the 21st New York did what soldiers throughout the Civil War did when given a free moment – they made coffee. “Here, the boys taking advantage of the lull in the storm, built fires and made their coffee, they having been thus far at work without breaking their fast.” It was so remarkable to see this otherwise common act occur in the midst of battle that a nearby artillery officer commented to Colonel Rogers that “it was about the coolest thing he had seen during the war.”  [26]

Still, the 21st’s fighting wasn’t over yet. During the hour or so lull during which Rogers’ men enjoyed their breakfast, Sedgwick’s division of Sumner’s II Corps had been engaged in savage combat to their left, deep in the West Woods. Sumner’s attack had been swift and concentrated, so much so that it pushed the thinning Confederate lines on Stonewall Jackson’s left flank nearly to the breaking point. But at the moment that Sumner’s Union troops were on the verge of breaking the Confederate line, Major General Lafayette McLaws led his fresh Southern division into the exposed left flank of Sumner’s line, breaking it and sending the Union men fleeing in panic. And some of those troops headed right for the position held by Patrick’s men and the 21st New York.

The 21st’s first real hint that things were heating up again came when Goodrich’s Brigade—relieved of its detached duty beyond the North Woods—filed past Patrick’s eating men and pressed toward the northern end of the West Woods. The 21st and Patrick’s men scrambled into line, swilling down the last of their coffee and kicking dead their fires, unaware that Colonel Rogers had advised Colonel Goodrich to hold his brigade in place until they could act together. But on Goodrich forced his men. Soon, Rogers’ 21st New York, with Patrick’s 35th New York on their right, were pressed forward in support. “[O]ur brigade was ordered up to support them,” recalled Colonel Rogers, “[w]e advanced again over a portion of the same ground over which we had previously marched.”
Goodrich’s men pressed deeper into the woods when Confederates hidden there poured a storm of shot and shell into them. These Rebels were Jubal Early’s men, who soon were joined by Semmes and Barksdale’s advancing brigades from McLaws’ force. Overwhelmed, Goodrich’s brigade broke and ran – right at Patrick’s brigade.

A man in Patrick’s 35th New York recalled “An awful crash of musketry followed – the brigade gave way and came fleeing toward us…the stampede was stopped for a moment but our right was being flanked by a large force.” With that, the 35th New York began falling back, leaving Rogers and his Buffalo men alone to resist the surging Confederates. Making matters even worse, some of the remains of Sedgewick’s broken division were coming at the 21st New York, too. “We endeavored in vain to rally them and they all fell back followed closely by the enemy, whom we saluted with a scattering fire.” This task, though, “was simply beyond the small regiment and they were ordered back” explained Colonel Rogers. “The General [Patrick], finding that it would be impossible to maintain his position against the overwhelming force that was approaching, and our ammunition being exhausted, ordered us to retire…”  [27]

So ended the 21st New York’s fighting at Antietam. Although this combat had been less severe than that endured by other Union regiments on September 17, Buffalo nonetheless left 16 men dead on the field and lost 56 wounded. It had been a costly day for Rogers’ command…and it was not yet noon.  [28]

From Antietam, the 21st New York moved south with the rest of the I Corps, crossing the Potomac on October 30 at Berlin, headed toward Warrenton, Virginia. There they remained until once again moving toward Falmouth, Virginia on December 10. Two days later, now part of Reynolds’ corps of Franklin’s grand division, it crossed the Rappahannock River to participate in the Battle of Fredericksburg. Assigned to secure the Union left with the rest of the I Corps on the 13th, the 21st avoided having to participate in the disastrous charge up Marye’s Heights.  [29]

1862 had been a rough year for Buffalo’s first regiment. It had begun the year with 810 men but by January 1, 1863 only 295 men remained for duty. 515 had been lost during this single year of war service – 64 were killed in battle or died from their wounds, 173 had been wounded and remained in the hospital, while 278 had become sick or been discharged as a result of illness often brought on by the rigors of field service.  [30]

On January 9, 1863, the 21st returned to General Patrick’s command, this time as part of the Army of the Potomac’s provost guard. Rejoining their fellow Antietam veterans in the 23rd and 35th New York—as well as the 18th New York—serving in Patrick’s Provost Brigade was to be the 21st New York’s last assignment.  [31]

The 21st left Washington on May 9, 1863, riding past their old training camp (and now a prison camp for captured Confederates) at Elmira the next day. On the May 11, 1863 the 21st returned to Buffalo.  [32]

Arriving at the New York and Erie Depot at 5:00 p.m., the 21st marched behind a

procession of local dignitaries, fire companies, and militia regiments through the city, past a cheering throng of citizens, Union flags, and banners exclaiming “Welcome Home Twenty-First!” Arriving at the Buffalo Arsenal, Colonel Rogers and his men were welcomed with speeches, after which they returned their battle worn flag—no longer bearing its golden eagle finial, shot away at Second Bull Run—to the ladies of the Central School, who had presented the regiment with its standard. Shortly thereafter, the 21st New York was mustered out of Federal service and marched into history.  [33]

Although they returned home to the peace of families and civilian life, none of those Buffalonians gathered at the Arsenal that evening would ever forget their brief, terrifying moments in Antietam’s bloody Cornfield.

Endnotes:

1. J. Harrison Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty-First Regiment New York State Volunteers, (Buffalo: 21st Regiment Veteran Association, 1886), pp. 12-13.
2. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty-First Regiment, pp. 25-26.
3. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 44-45; William Findlay Rogers was born March 1, 1820 near Easton, Pennsylvania and worked as a newspaper editor in Buffalo before the war. Rogers was elected Mayor of Buffalo from 1868-1869, and later served as the parks commissioner. It was William Findlay Rogers who hired Frederick Law Olmsted to design Buffalo’s park system, including Delaware Park, and supported the foundation of the Buffalo Zoo. He also served in the US House of Representatives from New York from 1883-1885. He died on December 12, 1899 and is buried in Forest Lawn Cemetery.
4. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 50-51.
5. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 50.
6. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 91-95.
7. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 101-103; Initially headed for desolate Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas, Florida, the 41 mutineers actually only spent a few months at Fort Wool, on Virginia’s Rip Raps Island, before joining the 2nd New York to serve out their two years.
8. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 105-106, pp. 117-122.
9. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 147-150.
10. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 150, pp. 154-159.
11. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 211-238.
12. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 253-261, p. 268.
13. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 277-286.
14. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 290.
15. Ezra A. Carman and Joseph Pierro, Ed. The Maryland Campaign of 1862; Ezra A. Carman’s Definitive Study of the Union and Confederates at Antietam. (New York: Routledge Books, 2008), p. 221. Ezra A. Carman and Thomas G. Clemens, Ed. The Maryland Campaign, Vol. II: Antietam (California: Savas Beatie, 2012), pp. 70-71; OR, Vol. XIX, Pt. 1, p. 232.
16. OR, Vol. XIX, Pt. 1, pp. 223-224.
17. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 290.
18. OR, Vol. XIX, Pt. 1, p. 244.
19. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 290; Carman and Pierro, Ed. The Maryland Campaign, pp. 240; Carman and Clemens, Ed. The Maryland Campaign, Vol. II, pp. 118-121.
20. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 290.
21. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 290.
22. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 291.
23. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 291.
24. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 291.
25. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 292.
26. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 292.
27. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 293; OR, Vol. XIX, Pt. 1, p. 244; Theodore M. Nagle Reminiscences of the Civil War (Erie, Pennsylvania: Dispatch Ptg. & Eng. Co., 1923.) pp. 41-42; William F. Rogers letter to E. A. Carman and Pierro, Ed. Antietam National Battlefield, Carman Collection, p. 4.
28. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 293-294.
29. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 315–331.
30. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 338.
31. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, p. 334.
32. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 342-343.
33. Mills, Chronicles of the Twenty First Regiment, pp. 342-348. The Buffalo Arsenal, where the 21st mustered out, is now known as the “Broadway Barns”—a public works vehicle storage facility at 210 Broadway in downtown Buffalo. It also was formerly known as the “Buffalo Auditorium,” a sports arena where boxing great Joe Louis once fought.